Environmental Risk Perception Paper Essays

Environmental Risk Perception Paper Essays Environmental Risk Perception Paper Paper Environmental Risk Perception Paper Paper Environmental Risk Factors Climate Change Climate change is it dangerous? This is a question many have been asking for years. As we know global warming has become a major concern for our environment for the past few years and it seems that is getting worse. In America the study of climate change have become very high risk for at least some reasons. We may not know this but these reason being that the United States plays a big role in the worlds population stated by the (U. S. Census Bureau, 2005), it is said that we use the most intake of carbon dioxide, as we know this is considered to be the heat-trapping gas, alone accounting for nearly a certain amount of the globe . Humans breath a certain amount of tons of carbon each year. (Maryland et al. , 2003). We have also reason to believe that in Washington D. C. The President and Congress have been fighting against each other with much of the world regarding the reality of all these of all the testing, seriousness, and as to how all of these climate change have come about within these years. During studies public risk has been very high, there is a fear that in the future global climate change on human health may cause serious illnesses even deaths for example skin cancer; this climate change will indeed change the way people live which would mean our ranking water would lessen, this will cause serious disease; possibility of losing human nature and this will cause to world to be affected drastically. Article Two Climate Change The second article is about another issue that is causing our climate to change that can be of higher risk that would be the ozone layer. Our ozone layer seems to be dimensioning its been said that pollution gases. Scientist have found evidence that increased pollutants in the air this study shows this comes from cars factories and these are some examples. Some of the sicknesses that occur because of this and our ozone layer not being protected loud be bronchial asthma as we know this is a syndrome which can cause shortness of breath and make it difficult for one to breath, the air pollutants on health have been the focus of attention on this factor. During the years they have conducted many experimental studies these studies have shown that even the gas from diesel exhaust have been causing the upper respiratory disease and is able to control the immune system response by increasing bad side effects with animals and humans. There have been studies and during these studies that have been done they have found evidence that air pollutants can work with in the atmosphere or on human airways, this is a very strong effect on the human body. In fact, if the airways start the inflammation some pollutants start to overcome the chest making it hard to breath which would lead to allergen-induced responses. But, air pollution and with the changes in the climate would cause a human to have an effect this would be an allergic response by influencing the percentage rate of the pollen production by allergenic plants. Even though this has been proven many individuals in 2009 still didnt believe that climate change was he cause of all these illnesses and still did not believe all the facts such as global warming, when carbon dioxide is released in the air which is the combustion of fossil fuels. Environmental Stresses The environmental stresses of climate change have TV0 primary components of this would include (1) temperature elevation with concomitant weather instability and extremes and (2) rising sea-level. These changes may result in the increase of heat waves starting and damaging air pollution, soil moisture would become less, higher weather events for example tornados and hurricane, and coastal inundation (EPIC 1992). More people will have health effects this can include heat related strokes; (2) infectious diseases, this means being beaten by an insect; (3) people will become ill because if food shortage; and (4) because of weather disasters there will be no where for people to live so people will live in streets and public places and this will cause sicknesses to rise because of unhealthy conditions. It seems that the ozone layer is depleting and this is causing many health issues to humans. The direct health impacts from ozone depletion, which leads to increased XIV radiation, include cancer, asthma many health hazards. Conclusion In conclusion must say my own perception on environmental risk perception to climate change is very dangerous. It makes me think that some day we will not be able to walk out of the house because the sun would have no protection since everything in the air is not healthy it just keeps eating at it. During my own studies and years of watching the news I have even heard that hairspray is killing our ozone layer. Living in New York City I believe that our pollution plays a big part in the air quality especially with warm weather the pollution is so bad you cannot even breath when its 90 degrees outside.

Essay on Psychology and Young People

Essay on Psychology and Young People Essay on Psychology and Young People Essay Plan Intro: In this essay I will be discussing two life stages†¦ I will be referring to the PIES that affect the development through the life stage†¦ The first life stage I will be discussing is†¦ The physical developments are†¦ Differs between male and female†¦ How nature nurture debate influences the physical development†¦ Evaluate, Positives and Negatives Impact it will have†¦ Diet can affect†¦nurture Nature, born with it genetics†¦ Argue both sides.. Nature Nurture debate.Intellectual†¦Adolescent thinking is on a higher level than that of children. Children are only able to think logically about the concrete, the here and now. Adolescents move beyond these limits. Adolescents can think in terms of what might be true, rather than just in terms of what they see is true. They are able to deal with abstractions, test hypotheses, and see infinite possibilities. Emotional†¦ shows strong feelings and intense emotions at different times. Moods might seem unpredictable. These emotional ups and downs can lead to increased conflict. Your child’s brain is still learning how to control and express emotions in a grown-up way is more sensitive to your emotions: young people get better at reading and processing other people’s emotions as they get older. While they’re developing these skills, they can sometimes misread facial expressions or body language is more self-conscious, especially about physical appearance and changes. Teenage self-esteem is often affected by appearance – or by how teenagers think they look. As they develop, children might compare their bodies with those of friends and peers goes through a ‘bulletproof’ stage of thinking and acting as if nothing bad could happen to him. Your child’s decision-making skills are still developing, and your child is still learning about the conseq uences of actions. Social†¦ searching for identity: young people are busy working out who they are and where they fit in the world. This search can be influenced by gender, peer group, cultural background and family expectations seeking more independence: this is likely to influence the decisions your child makes and the relationships your child

International trade between Japan and Africa Essay

International trade between Japan and Africa - Essay Example In relation to this, the African states have also been benefiting from Japan in several ways. These may involve the developmental projects channeled to such African states from Japan. It is of crucial significance o note that Japan’s major target in their trade relations with Africa has been majorly based on the key resources like oil, minerals as well as other raw materials (Raposo, 47). These raw materials are of high demands in the Japanese companies. They are used to make different sorts of products that are sold within the country as well as exported to other nations abroad. This has contributed greatly towards ensuring a robust economic growth in Japan (Raposo, 54). Majority of such products are also old back to the African states. This helps maintain the good relations between the two nations. On the other hand, African states have been benefiting in equal measures following their international trade relations with Japan. Upon providing Japan with the raw materials, Japan has contributed a lot towards providing Africa with huge structural projects as well as soft loans in exchange to the raw materials (Raposo, 63). Such have involved construction of infrastructure necessary to open up Africa to more trade opportunities. These include building of ports, roads, railways as well as airports. However, it is important to note that these amenities always ease the movement of the raw materials back to Japan from

She's One of a Kind Boutique Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

She's One of a Kind Boutique - Term Paper Example The boutique offers a wide variety of clothing items for women. The clothing items retailed at the business are designed by a team of experts associated with the organization and they are manufactured by a contracted manufacturing organization. The boutique also features clothing items by other designers as well who work in collaboration with the boutique. The competitive advantage of the business is the innovation in the production of the clothing items. The expert designers hired by the organization are encouraged to produce innovative designs and such designs are critically assessed. Only after the appropriate approvals, such designs are moved to the next level that is manufacturing. The main reason behind the established position of the business in the market is its competitive advantage. The competitors of the organization are unable to move the organization from its market share due to competitive advantage of the organization. Another factor that may be the reason behind the s mooth operations of the organization is the efficient use of technology. The business makes extensive use of technology throughout its operations. The information related to the business is centralized on a cloud computing system and the authorized personnel have access to the information. The marketing strategy of the organization includes; offering discounts to the customers, offering value cards and other promotional activities. In order to ensure that the organization retains its market share amidst the competition projected by other organizations operating in the market, the organizations implements upon its marketing strategy at a regular basis. The organization offers value cards to its customers which can be used by the customers to avail discounts. The more a customer shops, the more value points are added to the account of the customer and when a customer reaches a certain level, the customer becomes eligible to avail discounts. Promotional activities include distribution of flyers at shopping places and placement of banners. Initial financing of the organization was done partially through the investment done by the owners of the organization and partially through the debt acquired by the bank through a long term loan. The funds were utilized to acquire office and store space, to acquire the necessary computer and other office equipment, and to carry out initial advertisement of the business. The start-up personnel of the organization were; core management for each department and subordinate staff. The organization hired limited staff in order to start the business and once the business started to grow, more staff was hired on the basis of the requisitions filed by the core management. The hiring is done through an extensive process and it is ensured that only the eligible personnel are hired by the organization. Section 2: Code of Conduct The organization gives significant importance to the compliance with market standards. It is believed by the cor e management that compliance with standards is more than the responsibility of the organization but it is the way the business should be conducted. The organization also promotes ethical conduct of the staff and core management in

Management Accounting Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Management Accounting - Essay Example However, contrary to this, the visual arts platform of the society constantly remains under the financial pressures and vulnerability even in the sound economic conditions of the country. The proponents of the visual arts, on this vulnerable situation of the visual arts platform have been raising constant voices over the matter. One the of such voices claim that visual arts organisations in order to successfully meet the societal requirement and expectation of educational and entertainment development shall maintains the system that provides it sound financial strength. However, despite the consensus on the need of the sound financial muscles for the visual arts organisations, there have been contrary views on the system to be employed for achieving them. One dominant view on the matter is pertaining to Royce (2011) view who insists that visual arts organisations shall develop a system similar to the business organisations. According to Royce (2011), well defined systems or more appr opriate to state that conduct like a business is mandatory for the effective results generation from the visual arts organisation. In this perspective, Royce (2011) stated that ‘Sound business models are a necessary component in healthy visual arts ecology and essential for most publicly funded organisations’. Royce (2011), for its concern over the detrimental and vulnerable condition of the visuals arts organisation shall proposed that all such organisations shall also have system for achieving the profitability. Viewing in the context of the definition for the arts in general and among definitions developed for the purpose, Shaw (2000) defined arts and creative industry activities as one that can be determined on the basis of its sustainable impact. As already reported, this impact is spread not only the social aspects but at the same time wide economic impact is also identified in many studies (Landry et al, 1996); hence, it is important to understand the fact that a n organisation in order to fulfil such responsibilities requires strong system. Royce (2011) assessment report was based in reference to the Arts Council England and the Turning Point Network but reflects the overall industry requirement. Visual arts organisation’s financial vulnerability, according to the Royce (2011), is due to the three main factors. First, the culture of organisational conduct prevailing at the visual arts organisations’ is in clear contrast to the economic principle mainly in terms of productivity. This practice is despite the proven facts that visual arts have always played an important role in the economics of the country and society (Reeves, 2002). More importantly, this practices is also in contrast to the development early in the history where since 1980s all cultural activities have been seen in the main context of their contribution the economic development and restructuring as well as revival of the manufacturing industry (Reeves, 2002). S econd factor that is responsible for this vulnerability is the tradition of free entry offered to audience in the many of the

The Role and Growth of NATO Essay Example for Free

The Role and Growth of NATO Essay From Thucydides onward, moral philosophers, students of international politics, statesmen, and policy makers have been preoccupied and very often troubled by the role of morality in international politics. There has often been a tendency, in the discourse on political morality and the ethical conduct of statecraft, to alternatively exaggerate or deprecate the influence of morality in internationalpolitics, and hence succumb to either self-righteous moralism or cynicism and skepticism. The task of moral reasoning about international politics is neither a simple nor an easy one, and is made more difficult when moralism is confused with morality. Moralism involves the adoption of a single value or principle and applying it indiscriminately without due regard to circumstances, time, or space. Morality, on the other hand, is the endless search for what is right in the midst of sometimes competing, sometimes conflicting, and sometimes incompatible values and principles (Morgenthau 79). The normative form of political realism admonishes us to think morally, not moralistically, and not to confuse self-righteousness with morality. It reminds us that international politics are too complex to resemble a morality play, and that moral choices are never easy. Yet all is not well in Europe. The end of the Cold War and the subsequent disintegration of the Soviet Union ended the high-intensity threat to the West. Invasion is now implausible. However, the lacuna created by the absence of any high-intensity threat has been filled by low-intensity threats, taking the principal form of chronic instability in the Balkans and the outbreak of ethnic conflict stemming from the breakup of Yugoslavia. Indeed, the various Balkan wars are indicative of the fact that â€Å"history† and a particularly nasty and virulent form of nationalism persist quite stubbornly in that corner of Europe. The horrors and atrocities perpetrated in those wars were shocking to people who believed in â€Å"Never Again† and that European civilization had evolved beyond such behavior. This, of course, ought to be a sobering reminder that peace and stability can never be taken for granted, that liberal values are not as triumphant as some would like to believe, and that Locke, Kant, and Smith might have to make room for Thucydides, Machiavelli, and Hobbes as we are forced to reengage with history. How exactly are we to reengage with history? In the midst of peace and plenty, we have had the luxury of debating and rethinking our conceptions of security. Traditional state-centric notions of security, which privilege sovereignty over the rights and dignity of the individual, are called increasingly into question. They are deemed relics of the past, fig leaves hiding the intellectual paucity of Cold Warriors unable or unwilling to adapt themselves to an altered security environment. We are witnessing the rise of a rival orthodoxy regarding how we think and act about security, one that is centered on human rights and human security—consonant with our posthistorical values and sensibilities—and allegedly better suited to deal with the problems of intrastate warfare and ethnic conflict. This rival orthodoxy, we are to believe, is morally superior and more evolved than traditional notions of security. After all, what sort of person can be against human rights and human security? On 24 March 1999, NATO began Operation Allied Force, an aerial bombing campaign that was to last seventy-eight days. The Atlantic Alliance, arguably the most powerful and successful politico-military coalition in history, created originally to defend Western Europe against a Soviet onslaught, now went to war for human security. In the subsequent military campaign, NATO won and got what it wanted, and then some. The Alliance triumphed without a single combat casualty. Serbian military and paramilitary forces, looking remarkably unscathed despite the scope and intensity of NATO sorties, evacuated the province. A NATO-led military force moved in, and Kosovar refugees started returning home. Kosovo is now a de facto protectorate of NATO and the United Nations, even if the fiction that the province remains a sovereign and integral part of Yugoslavia is maintained. Kosovars are champing at the bit to cleanse the province ethnically of the remaining Serbian minority, even as we insist that our goal is to reconstitute a multiethnic and multicultural Kosovo. Slobodan Milosevic is gone but the genie of ethnic strife is already out of the bottle, and the Balkans remain as unstable as ever (An Electronic Journal of the U.S. Department of State March 2002). A question mark hangs over an â€Å"ethic of responsibility,† meanwhile, because the jury is still out as to whether we will be able to move toward such an ethic when it comes to future humanitarian interventions or whether â€Å"humanitarian warfare† is, as some argue, â€Å"an idea whose time has come, and gone† (Krauthammer 8). From the Balkans to the Caucasus, the environment remains ripe for massive and violent abuses of human rights—thus opportunities to intervene—even if NATO does not expand any further to the East. The temptation to intervene will be great. If CNN is present, we will have emotional and gut-wrenching scenes of human suffering beamed into our living rooms and there will be a clamor to â€Å"do something† (Hudson and Stanier 256).   And why not do something? The Alliance has already bent, if not broken international law over Kosovo. Surely it will be easier the second time around. Furthermore, NATO now possesses a template for â€Å"immaculate intervention.† The Alliance will not deploy ground troops but can instead rely on precision guided munitions dropped from on high, with little or no risk to its servicemen and women (Burk 53–78). Humanitarian intervention is characterized by motive and ends, the motive to do good, and the goal to put an end to human suffering. This is what is supposed to distinguish â€Å"moral† interventions from â€Å"immoral† ones (Abrams 74). It was said of the Gulf War that the West would not have come to the aid of Kuwait if that country had produced broccoli instead of oil. Kosovo possessed neither oil nor broccoli. Hence, we were told by President Bill Clinton that NATO’s actions were intended to â€Å"enable the Kosovar people to return to their homes with safety and self-government,† or alternatively to â€Å"protect thousands of innocent people in Kosovo from a mounting military offensive.† (Roberts 20) The Alliance’s objectives were thus to avert a humanitarian catastrophe in Kosovo and/or to prevent a crisis from becoming a catastrophe. Kosovo was to be a new sort of war, one fought in the name of universal values and principles—to uphold human rights and prevent a humanitarian tragedy—rather than for narrow interests (Roberts 20). Yet motives and ends are dangerously unreliable as criteria for moral calculation and judgment. Moral judgment cannot be suspended simply because the motives are pure, the cause just, and the ends good. The decision to enlarge the Atlantic Alliance has opened debate as to whether an expanded alliance will help to sustain global peace or provoke greater tension, if not regional or global wars. International relations theorists are largely divided over the question, and the relationship between alliance enlargement and the question of war or peace is unclear and ambiguous. Alliances in general have often been blamed as one of the major factors helping to generate the fears and suspicions leading to World War I, as well as previous wars in European history, at least since the advent of the formal multipolar â€Å"balance of power† system in the mid-seventeenth century. American foreign policy from George Washington to World War II traditionally eschewed â€Å"entangling alliances.† On the other hand, the lack of strong alliances and of firm American commitments to Britain, France, and to key strategically positioned states such as Poland, for example, has been cited as one of the causes of World War II. Following Soviet retrenchment from eastern Europe after 1989, and the subsequent collapse of the Soviet state in 1991, the Atlantic Alliance has been praised as the most successful alliance in history. Without NATO, it is argued, the peace of Europe could not have been secured throughout the Cold War. Detractors, however, have argued that NATO’s formation in 1949 led to the counterformation of the 1950 Sino-Soviet alliance—and indirectly to the Korean War—in addition to the establishment of the Warsaw Pact following West Germany’s admission to NATO in 1955. These contrasting perspectives do not clarify the relationship between alliances and war in today’s geostrategic circumstances. The question remains as to whether German unification, followed by Soviet implosion, and now by NATO enlargement into east-central Europe, will prove stabilizing. The Alliance has opted to extend its membership to Poland, the Czech Republic, and Hungary within the former Soviet sphere of influence, raising some fears of a new partition of Europe. At the same time, NATO has promised to consider further enlarging its membership; it has advocated what has been deemed an â€Å"open NATO†Ã¢â‚¬â€in part to prevent a possible new partition between members and nonmembers. Alliance pronouncements promised that Romania and Slovenia would be granted first consideration in a second round, in addition to one or more of the Baltic states. Indeed, NATO has not left out the possibility of Russian membership, but has only taken limited steps in this direction (Kegley and Raymond 275–277). Despite the fact that NATO is one of the most institutionalized alliances ever created, with decades of experience in fostering close ties among its members, the United States chose not to use NATO to organize its response to the attacks. NATO was unable to provide a command structure—or even substantial capabilities—that would override U.S. concerns about using the NATO machinery. European contributions were incorporated on a bilateral basis, but NATO as an organization remained limited to conducting patrols over the United States and deploying ships to the eastern Mediterranean. This U.S. policy choice did not surprise many in the United States. Many U.S. policymakers believed that NATOs war in Kosovo was an unacceptable example of â€Å"war by committee,† where political interference from the alliances 19 members prevented a quick and decisive campaign. The policymakers were determined to retain sole command authority in Afghanistan, so that experience would not be repeated (Daalder and Gordon). The deployment of the NATO AWACS demonstrates this point. The United States did not want to deploy the NATO AWACS directly to Afghanistan, because it did not want to involve the North Atlantic Council in any command decisions. Instead, the NATO AWACS backfilled U.S. assets so the assets could redeploy to Afghanistan. A military official later described the U.S. decision in these terms: â€Å"If you were the US, would you want 18 other nations watering down your military planning?† (Fiorenza 22) However, many Europeans were dissatisfied with the small role that the alliance played in the response to the September 11 attacks and attributed it to U.S. unilateralism and arrogance. While they understood the need to ensure effective command and control, they felt that they had given the United States unconditional political support through the invocation of Article 5 and that they should at least be consulted about the direction of the military campaign. In part, these frustrations resulted from the fact that the military campaign did not fit the model all had come to expect during the Cold War— that an invocation of Article 5 would lead the alliance members to join together and defeat a common enemy (Kitfield). But these frustrations also reflected a fear that the U.S. decision to pursue the war on its own after invoking Article 5 would irrevocably weaken the core alliance principle of collective defense. To uncover a possible answer to the question as to whether an extended NATO alliance will prove stabilizing, I seek to explicate the views of international relations theorist, George Liska. Even though he was well known in the 1960s for his classic definition of alliances, Liska’s later comparative geohistorical perspective of the 1970s and 1980s has often been overlooked or not fully appreciated (Kegley). Although generally pessimistic, Liska argues that major power or systemic war is not inevitable and can be averted, yet only given a long-term strategy of cooptation of potential rivals into the interstate system. For Liska, alliances are neither inherently stabilizing or destabilizing. Like armaments, they do not in themselves cause war, but they can set the preconditions for generalized conflict depending on the manner and circumstances in which they are formed and depending on which specific states are included. Moreover, the expansion of an alliance formation is less likely to provoke major power war when the predominant states of a particular historical period are either overtly or tacitly included. Generalized wars, however, are more likely to occur when the predominant powers cannot participate in the key decision-making processes that affect their perceived vital interests, and thus cannot formulate truly concerted policies. Global conflict has largely stemmed from the apparently recurrent failures of the major contending states to forge long-term entente, or full-fledged alliance, relationships. Since 1991 the world has seen a new opportunities, but the weight of the millennial past continues to burden the present (Liska 17). Although the U.S.-Soviet wartime alliance against Germany, 1941–1945, collapsed after World War II, the superpowers were by contrast able to maintain a general state of peace, though not without intense regional conflicts often fought through surrogates. The ensuing struggle for control of former German spheres of influence, the quarantine of East Germany and other Soviet-bloc states, the formation of NATO, Soviet/Russian fears of a U.S./NATO alliance with the flanking states of Japan and the People’s Republic of China, collectively resemble the 477 to 461 B.C. phase of Athenian-Spartan relations, following the breakdown of their alignment against Persia. Throughout the Cold War, Washington and Moscow sustained a tacit multidimensional â€Å"double containment† of Germany and Japan, as well as other significant regional powers, including China, that helped to prevent open conflict between them. Yet it is precisely the Soviet/Russian role in this multidimensional double containment that has virtually disappeared following German unification (Gardner 7-9). The collapse of the Soviet Empire and its spheres of security parallel the instability that confronted Sparta. Continuing fears of national uprisings and Russian disaggregation, coupled with recurrent wars in the Caucasus, Central Asia, and Afghanistan, recall the threats posed by the Helot revolution and the Third Messenian War. The United States and NATO now bid for control over former Soviet and Russian spheres of influence in Central and Eastern Europe much as Athens penetrated Sparta’s sphere in the Aegean and then the Ionian seas. Disputes over power and burden sharing within NATO, considered together with differences over the financing of the 1990 Persian Gulf war and the conduct wars in Bosnia and Kosovo, are reminiscent of Athenian efforts to sustain preeminence over its Delian league allies, regardless of the diminished Persian threat. Moreover, Pericles’ decision to forge a new â€Å"defensive† alliance with the insular power bears similarities to NATO’s decision to extend its alliance with Western Europe into Central Europe, a change depicted as defensive, involving no nuclear weapons or additional troops to be deployed on the territory of new NATO members (Gardner 20–26). Most crucially, should the United States and Russia not be able to reach a compromise over the question of the modalities of NATO enlargement into East-Central Europe, the two powers risk losing their tacit post-World War II alliance against Germany and Japan altogether. This would parallel the Athenian decision to drop entirely its deteriorating ties with Sparta after the new Athenian democratic leadership expelled Cimon. Moreover, American proposals to build a ballistic missile defense in possible violation of the ABM treaty could be interpreted by Russia in much the same way that Sparta interpreted the Athenian decision to build defensive walls around the city of Athens. In a word, the United States is presently poised either to renew its relations with Moscow or else let them sour to an even greater extent, thus risking another round of mutual imprecations that could degenerate into a wider conflict. Turning to another episode involving an essentially bipolar land/sea schism, namely the clash between Rome and Carthage over spheres of influence in Spain, Sicily, and the Mediterranean, raises additional questions about Soviet collapse and NATO enlargement. Much as the Peloponnesian wars can be viewed as a result of the breakdown of the Athenian-Spartan wartime alliance, the First Punic War can likewise be interpreted as a product of the termination of the 279–278 B.C. Roman-Carthaginian wartime alliance against Tarentum and Pyrrhus of Epirus. The alliance between Rome and Carthage followed the classic â€Å"Pyrrhic victory† at Ausculum that opened Sicily up to Greek conquest. The deterioration of that alliance was provoked by the Roman decision to assist the Mamertines against Syracuse in 264 B.C. and to take Messana under Roman protection. This unexpected action led Carthage to support Syracuse in response. This in turn represented a reversal in alliances equally unanticipated by Rome, as Carthage and Syracuse had traditionally been enemies (Harris 187). Carthage subsequently accused Rome of a violation of its previous agreements, which, according to Carthaginian sources, forbade the Romans to cross into Sicily and the Carthaginians to cross into Roman spheres. In fact, Rome and Carthage did sign three treaties in 510–509, 348, and 306 B.C., designed to sustain Carthagian spheres of influence over Western Sicily, Sardinia, Libya, and the Iberian peninsula, but there was no agreement addressing specifically the changing status of a divided Sicily. The 510–509 B.C. treaty, signed in the year that marks the formation of the Roman Republic, sought to affirm Roman agreement to abide by the historically positive relations between Carthage and Etrusca. In the 306 B.C. treaty, Rome vowed not to cross the Straits of Messina in exchange for a Carthagian concession to permit Rome full liberty of maneuver in the Italian peninsula. Moreover, even if there was no formal treaty in 279–278 B.C., there may have been a tacit understanding involving a vague mutual recognition of respective military and commercial spheres of influence that was at least proposed during the 279–278 B.C. wartime alliance against Pyrrhus (Eckstein 79). Whether a formal treaty actually existed is really secondary to the point that Carthage at least operated under the assumption that some type of accord existed in order to justify its previous alliance relationship, and it jealously guarded Western Sicily as the central strategic keystone to its insular defense. On the other hand, Roman expansion to Calabria diminished the size of the buffer region between the two states. As an expanding continental power seeking amphibious status, Rome began to regard the Carthagian presence on Sicily as a potential â€Å"encirclement.† Carthage was regarded as threatening Rome’s maritime trade from ports on the Ionian Sea and in the Gulf of Tarante. The charge that a tacit agreement was violated is not unlike the debate between the United States and Russia, as to whether Washington affirmed absolutely in 1989–1990 that it would not extend NATO into East-Central Europe. Moscow has argued that the decision to enlarge NATO into what it has considered its central strategic region of continental defense contravenes the spirit of the â€Å"two plus four† treaty on German unification not to permit NATO forces into the territory of the former East Germany, as well as the â€Å"gentleman’s agreement† made between George Bush and Mikhail Gorbachev in 1990 against NATO expansion. As a rising land power seeking amphibious status, Rome expanded into Calabria and thereby diminished the historic buffer between Etrucsa/Rome and Carthage, a power in relative decline. In contemporary geopolitics, NATO enlargement into former Soviet and historic Russian spheres of influence similarly risks undermining the post-1945 security buffer between the United States and its German ally and a Russia now in a state of near absolute collapse. Works Cited Abrams, Elliott. â€Å"To Fight the Good Fight.† National Interest 59 (spring 2000): 74. Burk, James. â€Å"Public Support for Peacekeeping in Lebanon and Somalia: Assessing the Casualties Hypothesis.† Political Science Quarterly 114, no. 1 (2003): 53–78. Eckstein, Arthur M. â€Å"Senate and General.† Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987, p. 79. Fiorenza, Nicholas. â€Å"Alliance Solidarity,† Armed Forces Journal International, December 2004, p. 22. Daalder, Ivo H. and Gordon, Philip R. â€Å"Euro-Trashing,† Washington Post, May 29, 2002. Retrieved July 9, 2007 from http://www.highbeam.com/doc/1P2-361506.html. Gardner, Hall. â€Å"Central and Southeastern Europe in Transition.†Ã‚   Westport, CT: Praeger, 2005. Harris, William V. â€Å"War and Imperialism in Republican Rome, 327–70 BC.† Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1979, p. 187. Hudson, Miles and Stanier, John. â€Å"War and the Media: A Random Searchlight.† New York: New York University Press, 2003, p. 256. Kegley, Charles W. Jr. and Raymond, Gregory A. â€Å"Alliances and the Preservation of the Postwar Peace: Weighing the Contribution† in The Long Postwar Peace, ed. Charles W.Kegley Jr. (New York: HarperCollins, 2003), pp. 275–277. Kitfield, James. â€Å"Divided We Fall.† National Journal. April 7, 2006 Retrieved July 7, 2007 from nationaljournal.com/about/njweekly/stories/2006/0407nj1.htm Krauthammer, Charles. â€Å"The Short, Unhappy Life of Humanitarian Warfare.† National Interest 57 (fall 2004): 8. Liska, George. â€Å"Russia and the Road to Appeasement.† Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1982. Morgenthau, Hans J. â€Å"The Twilight of International Morality,† Ethics 58, no. 2 (1948): 79. â€Å"NATO In The 21ST Century — The Road Ahead†. An Electronic Journal of the U.S. Department of State March 2002. Retrieved July 7, 2007 from www.italy.usembassy.gov/pdf/ej/ijpe0302.pdf Roberts, Adam. â€Å"NATO’s ‘Humanitarian War’ Over Kosovo,† Survival 41, no. 3 (2004): 20.

Hip-hop, Reggae, and Politics Essay -- Essays on Politics

Hip-hop, Reggae, and Politics Introduction Music is an art form and source of power. Many forms of music reflect culture and society, as well as, containing political content and social message. Music as social change has been highlighted throughout the 20th century. In the 1960s the United States saw political and socially oriented folk music discussing the Vietnam War and other social issues. In Jamaica during the 1970s and 1980s reggae developed out of the Ghetto’s of Trench town and expressed the social unrest of the poor and the need to over-through the oppressors. The 1980’s brought the newest development in social and political music, the emergence of hip-hop and rap. This urban musical art form that was developed in New York City has now taken over the mainstream, but originated as an empowering art form for urban youth and emerging working class. Musically hip-hop spawned the age of DJ’s. With strong influences from Reggae, hip-hop has developed into an empowering form for the expression of ideas, power, revolution and change. Power and empowerment have emerged from these musical styles that now have many commonalities. Hip-hop and Reggae are both forms of protest music. â€Å"Protest music is characterized by objections to injustices and oppressions inflicted on certain individual groups†¦. typically, the intent of protest musicians is to oppose the exploitation and oppression exercised by dominant elites and member of dominant groups†(Stapleton, 221). Hip-hop has developed as a new form of protest music void of the common acoustic guitar. The goal of protest music is to promote freedom through music. Bob Marley expresses his belief that music is a message and route to freedom in the song â€Å"Trench town.† ... ...ap† Miami New Times, February 10, 2000, Thursday. Salmon, Barrington â€Å" Bob Marley’s legacy lives forever† Miami Times, V. 73; N. 22 p. 5A, 2/18/1996 Shivers, Kaia â€Å"This is Reggae Music† Los Angeles Sentinel† V. 66; N. 32 p. B5 11/8/2000 Wilson, Basil â€Å"The politics & culture of Reggae music† The Caribbean-American Magazine v. 24 N. 1 p. 25, 2/28/2000 Discography: Honorary Citizen: Peter Tosh, Sony Music Entertainment:1997 Steffens, Roger. â€Å"In the Tracks of the Stepping Razor: The Peter Tosh Biography† pgs. 42-51 Reflection Eternal: Talib Kweli, Rawkus Records 2000 â€Å"This means you† Run DMC: Run DMC, Arista Records 1983 â€Å"Its Like That† Bob Marley: Confrontation, Polygram Records 1983 â€Å"Chant down Babylon,† and â€Å"Trenchtown† Bob Marley: Suvival, Ploygram Records 1979 â€Å"Babylon System†